The Post Office scandal shows the limits of nationalisation

More fun from the Bing image creator. Post Office management about to conduct a branch audit. Actually I told Bing to portray gangsters…

The big British political news of 2024 so far has been the scandal of the Post Office’s persecution of sub-postmasters from the late 1990s on, based on erroneous reports from its Horizon system. The scandal itself wasn’t news; it had been making a number of people’s blood boil for years (including mine), but no politician in government felt the need to deal with it with any urgency, and all tried to manage it through the organisation’s dysfunctional management. An inquiry had been set up – the classic British method for kicking institutional problems into the long grass. But a television drama over the Christmas holiday caught the public imagination, and at last pushed it to the level of public attention it has deserved for years.

I personally still don’t understand what went wrong. As an accountant who has had quite a bit of experience unravelling knotty problems, I have not been able to get any sort of clarity. The drama did help a bit here – as the previous press reporting was extremely uninformative as to what the problem with the system actually was. Just what were the deficits that the sub-postmasters were being asked to fund? Usually these should fall into one of three categories: missing sales, false expenses, or missing assets. This doesn’t seem to be any of these – but just muddle. The Horizon system doesn’t seem to have been properly integrated with the accounting systems, and appears to have lacked basic accounting controls. This is not so uncommon with systems designed by computer programmers rather than accountants. But the system does not appear to have been adequately managed or audited by the Post Office’s accountants. The suggestion made by one of the characters in the drama was that the differences were parked in a suspense account, which was then not properly interrogated or investigated. That may not make much sense to my readers, but it does to me. As an auditor most of the big errors I have found arise from pulling apart suspense accounts.

Meanwhile responsibility for managing the problem seems to have been split between senior managers unable to grasp the detail, and junior auditors not given a wide enough scope to explore what the problems actually were – they were just hired bullies. There was a missing middle. But the senior managers should have asked questions as problems started to emerge; as should the investigators. Instead they swept the problems under the carpet, assuming that people raising concerns were just trouble-makers. People have a natural tendency to compartmentalise their lives, and set boundaries to the sort of things they worry about. This is one of the leading causes of organisational dysfunction as those boundaries always leave gaps (as well as overlaps). Still, senior managers should be alive to those sorts of risks and much of the Post Office managers’ behaviour was clearly unethical. Injustice to individuals should not be sacrificed to maintaining an organisation’s reputation. The propagation of untruths is not quite the black and white issue we might like to think – but the Post Office managers clearly went into the black zone far too often.

But such a lack of ethics in senior management is extremely common. This transcends time (think of the Dreyfus scandal in the 19th Century), and culture (problems are at least as bad in China and India, for example; would you believe what an Iranian government spokesman said?). It affects all types of organisation: government, commercial and religious (think of child abuse scandals in various churches). Having said that, I haven’t seen it, or not in extreme, in any of the commercial, public or political organisations I have worked with. There is always a defensive first reaction to bad news; but what happens next is more telling, and here things were better. But those organisations have almost all been relatively small; I have worked in two multinational groups, however, although in one of there were ethical questions haunting senior executives, they didn’t last long. That’s not to say these organisations were perfect – it’s just to say that I didn’t witness the extremes evident in the Post Office, and often witnessed its opposite – the owning up to problems and mistakes.

But what tilts an organisation towards ethical conduct? Prevailing culture in society clearly helps. Most developed countries have a bit of a head start there. I don’t think there is anything special about Western culture here, even though it generally prevails there. All cultures know what strong ethical standards are (think of Confucianism in China, for example). The more ethical conduct becomes the expected norm in a society, the better. Accountability is clearly critical. If it is easy to sweep things under the carpet, and if you are confident that you will never be scrutinised aggressively, then the temptation to do so is often irresistible. It is easy to persuade yourself that you are protecting something more important, and that it is all for the greater good. But accountability comes with a certain precariousness amongst senior leadership; the more entrenched, the less accountable. That precariousness was visible in all the organisations I have worked for. But in the Post Office it seems to have been lacking. It was a publicly owned organisation, accountable to, in theory, everybody but in fact nobody. It had extraordinary control over the information required to make judgements. The politicians to whom they were nominally accountable are good at some types of scrutiny, but not the oversight of large, complex organisations, and still less the operation of their IT and accounting systems.

This is a huge problem with all nationalised industries. Being accountable is to a large extent a choice made by the people running those organisations. I have witnessed this at first hand as a school governor. Fortunately all the headteachers I have worked with thought accountability was a good thing, and accepted scrutiny, even when it got annoying. But I have seen cases of schools where this is not the case, and where the governors were bypassed and flanneled – and looked woefully ineffective. This is less of problem with commercial entities, because they are judged on commercial success, which is hard to fake, or not for long. Public organisations seem to have a degree of political protection that most commercial organisations do not.

This is a problem for the sort of left-wing narrative that suggests that capitalism has failed, and that the solution to any given market failure, especially in public utilities, is nationalisation. They are often right to point out the failures of commercial organisations, such as Britain’s water or rail companies. They are wrong if they think that nationalised organisations will be any better. They are often worse. Water companies are accused of milking their assets to pay fat dividends to investors instead of investing in infrastructure. And yet tight public Treasury management has a similar practical effect, with holders of public debt being the beneficiaries. Perhaps the division of the spoils would be fairer, but it won’t stop the under-investment. The nationalisation of the water companies was undertaken in the first place to increase the level of investment – which it did.

There is no easy answer. Public services are usually natural monopolies, which often bring out the worst in capitalism. But there is no fool-proof way to make public organisations properly accountable.The answer is surely some sort of messy mix private contracts, regulation and intelligent structure.

Meanwhile, Post Office culture looks so rotten that it surely needs to be wound up and replaced by something with better organisational design and stronger governance.