Liberation Day 2: American turmoil

Trying to write a considered commentary on events in America is a hazardous business. Things will change even as you write. In the middle of preparing this article President Donald Trump executed a screeching handbrake turn on his tariff policy, having paused the higher tariffs for 90 days. This leaves it as a universal 10% tariff, with massive mutual tariffs remaining with China. Stock and bond prices bounced back sharply with a huge sigh of relief. The political pressure on Mr Trump evaporated. But the dust hasn’t settled, and on any other day the remaining tariffs would have constituted a major escalation; bond market troubles may well be more deeply sourced; questions remain over the direction of tariffs in future. Disaster still beckons.

The economist Paul Krugman, whose Substack I recommend, warns against the “sanewashing” of Mr Trump’s policies – the projection of a rational strategy when none is there. This will lead to disappointment. There is not a coherent strategy behind his tariff policy – it has conflicting goals, for a start – but it flows from strongly-held beliefs, and some of his advisers have a more coherent take on it. The most important of these is Peter Navarro, who wrote an article for the Financial Times recently; I would recommend reading it if you want an insight into the administration’s outlook.

Mr Navarro presents a long list of grievances: of unfair trading practices from America’s trading partners, which are leading to a hollowing out of the United States, and a system that is tilted against it. That has led to a substantial overall deficit, and huge individual deficits with many countries. Europe bans America’s chlorinated chicken; China manipulates its currency; Vietnam acts as a conduit for Chines goods; and so on. The “reciprocal tariffs” – now in suspended animation – are a quantification of these trade barriers; he does not explain that they are simply half the ratio of trade deficits to imports, subject to a minimum of 10%. This picks up on two ideas explained in my previous post. First is the “victim narrative” of trade deficits: domestic production has been suppressed by unfair competition, meaning that it cannot fulfil domestic demand, which is in turn sustained by capital transfers from abroad. These transfers are being used to buy up American assets, ceding control to overseas interests. The second idea he picks up on is that fair trade implies that there should be no deficit at at all between countries; any imbalance is therefore evidence of trade distortion – and so as the proposed tariff is proportional to the deficit – the fewer the distortions the lower the tariff. Lost in that is the fact that 10% is still a high tariff by current international standards, and that it applies even to countries with whom America is in surplus. Mr Navarro shows that there is enough evidence for his narrative out there if you really want to believe it. I don’t know enough about the man to understand why this is – just that he has held these views for a long time. Other narratives and supporting evidence is available. After all, if America is being ripped off, why does it have the most successful economy in the world?

Mr Trump’s thinking is broadly consistent with this, though without its intellectual gymnastics. His view is more akin the idea of Mercantilism. This idea was developed by the 17th-Century French statesman Jean-Baptiste Colbert, who was first minister to Louis XIV. Colbert was a brilliant administrator, and his ideas set the tone for European statecraft for a century. He suggested that trade was about maximising exports and minimising imports so that the country would accumulate wealth, which at the time could be equated to “treasure”, the banking system being pretty crude. This was the set of ideas that were unpicked by Adam Smith and David Riccardo more than a century later. The French economy at the time consisted of a state dominated by a substantial war machine (there was barely a year when Louis was not at war) financed by excise duties and taxes on the poor. An export surplus would have implied suppressed consumption by the aristocracy (the poor had nothing left to give), which I suppose was not really a hardship. So far as Mr Trump is concerned, exports imply money coming in; imports represent money going out – so surpluses are power, while deficits mean you are being ripped off. His business philosophy is very much that if you not ripping somebody else off, you are being ripped off yourself; the idea of mutual benefit does not compute.

But Mr Trump’s love of tariffs goes further than countering perceived trade distortions. He also wants an extra source of tax revenue that he can tell his supporters that foreigners are paying rather than them. In his wilder moments he dreams of this replacing income tax. After all, income tax was brought in at first, both in America and in Britain, to compensate for the loss of tariff revenue from free trade. Of course to generate substantial revenue then the US must continue to import lots of goods. His supporters suggest this might come about through the strengthening of the US dollar, as happened to some extent in his first term, to offset the cost of the tariff. The tension between this and reducing deficits and protecting US industry is obvious.

Another aspect of tariffs for Mr Trump is that he hopes it will turn the clock back to a time when America had a lot of manufacturing jobs. Many Americans have fond memories of when many working class people had reasonably well-paid and stable (and unionised…) jobs in manufacturing. According to the MAGA mythology these were the jobs destroyed by unfair foreign competition, so rebalancing means that they jobs can come back. 

And yet another reason to like tariffs is that it allows Mr Trump to throw his weight around on the global stage and make deals. He gets high on what he sees as grovelling by foreign governments to reduce tariffs by dismantling trade barriers; he makes sure that his fellow Americans see their humiliation. Many of Mr Trump’s cheerleaders from the business world thought that this was the main point of his tariff talk, and that they were just a negotiating tactic. Just like Russia’s military buildup on the Ukrainian border in early 2022 was supposed to be something called “power diplomacy”. But the Liberation Day system is so comprehensive that it appears negotiation will be just around the edges. Anyway you can’t do 70 highly personalised bilateral deals at once. It is now unclear what future negotiations will be about. Will some countries be allowed to escape the 10% lower limit? Is it about modifying the suspended “reciprocal” scheme? Or will the focus be on the special regimes for cars and steel – as the British government appears to believe. Nobody, including Mr Trump, knows.

But problems are coming in multitudes. The first is that, whatever Mr Trumps says, tariffs are a tax on American consumers. Americans cannot avoid buying imported goods (often as components of more complicated things like cars), and prices will rise across a wide range of goods. America is less dependant on trade than many economies, but even so they will have a significant impact. There will be a temporary bump to inflation. The Federal Reserve might be induced to raise interest rates. I think that risk is overdone; it is a temporary adjustment, and unless a wage-price spiral is threatened, there is no longer term threat. Weakness in the wider economy reduces that risk. The main problem is political: Mr Trump suggested that he would cut prices rather than raise them. The MAGA faithful will accept that this is a short-term adjustment and that better times are around the corner; many other Trump voters will feel let down, or even betrayed.

Next the economy will weaken, perhaps to the point of recession. The problem here is less the extremity of this particular policy (which has been softened after all), but the perception of instability across the whole of American public policy, which has become dependent on one mercurial individual with little grasp on reality. Mr Trump talks of vast amounts of inward investment, as firms promise factories in America to avoid the tariffs. But long term investments require a stable economic outlook; companies will delay doing much until things settle down – which could take some time. Exports are likely to suffer too, from retaliatory action by foreign governments (and especially China) and from a loss of confidence in America generally. Foreign visitors, especially students, are alarmed by the arbitrary application of policy that can see visas revoked on a whim, and detention at the border. This might help reduce the current account deficit – but through making Americans poorer. 

The questions really start to arise when trying to picture the American economy the Trump administration is trying to create. He wants to shield US businesses from competition. That means that inefficient businesses are given a lifeline, and more efficient businesses don’t need to try as hard. That is not a recipe for economic dynamism – and thus has been the experience of most highly protected economies in history. A partial exception has been Asian economies that have used protectionism as part of an industrial strategy to allow the build-up of new industries. There is no such strategy in America. To be fair, America is a naturally competitive economy, and large enough not to need foreign trade as much as others to keep it so. But still, high tariffs will make America less efficient and wealthy, not more. 

And it is hard to see those old industrial jobs returning. Technology, more than foreign trade, was responsible for their demise, and there has been a Baumol shift towards services, as Americans see to bank productivity gains in manufacturing by consuming more services. A more rational expectation is that America becomes a powerhouse of modern manufacturing business, in highly automated businesses, which export much of their output. But that entails a level of investment that will not happen in the current chaotic policy environment – and tariff barriers are not a particularly good way to achieve it. President Joe Biden’s use of subsidies was a more realistic idea.

But am I overdoing it? Will it be a matter of disappointment rather than disaster? Well, maybe. But that will entail the Trump regime rowing back on its revolutionary mission. Anything is possible in Trump World.

First published on Substack 12 April 2025